ANS: Sri Kipa Kache, a student of Nyapin Secondary School, was killed in police firing on 3 February 1986 during AAPSU Bandh Call Agitation on issue of CHAKMA-HAJONG REFUGEES in ARUNACHAL PRADESH.
AAPSU = All Arunachal Pradesh Student Union
The student Union in the region in late forties initially with the nomenclature ADI Mishing students’ Union with its headquarters at Pasighat with Late Dr. Daying Ering (Former Union Deputy Minister) and Matin Dai (Retd. Chief Secretary) as founder light of education among the tribals by convincing them to send their wards to schools and also by organising periodical meetings, cultural programs to explain the meaning and value of their traditional culture, its preservation and promotion. With the formation of NEFA in 1959, Adi Mishing students’ Union was replaced by All NEFA students’ Union with Late Talom Rukbo as President and Late Bakin Pertin as General Secretary.
However then the union was mostly confined at Pasighat and did not draw much support from other educational institutes in the NEFA and almost remain vague without much organisational set up till 1967.
Nevertheless, it played a pivotal role in laying the future road map of the union by placing demand to the then NEFA administration like change of medium of instruction from Assamese to English with Hindi as second language, shifting of headquarter from Shillong to a place within NEFA, to upgrade administration to Union territory with a Lt. Governor, creation of more administration centres in all vulnerable and strategies places of the region, establishment of higher educational institute within NEFA as till then only a fortunate few could go to Shillong, Guwahati and other places for college education, enhancement of stipend for students and creation of hostel facilities for students studying at Shillong and reservation of seats in various science and technical institutions of the country for the students.
However, with the changing time and establishment of first institute of higher learning in the state, JN College Pasighat in the year 1964, the need for a strong student union and social organisation was urgently felt.
Accordingly, on 14th October 1967 a high power committee was formed with Lt. Lummer Dai as Chief Advisor and Nyodek Yonggam (Ex. MP), as coordinator with the students of NEFA studying in different part of the region and the country converging at JN College Pasighat. Consequently, after hectic parleys and discussion for two days the Constitution of the present AAPSU which gave a federal structure was drafted by Lt. Lummer Dai and adopted with 16 Articles by the house present 0n 15th October 1967.
The Motto of the Union “Learn to serve” was proposed by Nyodek Yonggam and the Union Emblem was drawn by Er. C.T Manpong.
The new development ushered in a new phase of students’ organisation in the region that took an organised shape and elected a new office bearer with Nyodek Yonggam (former MP) Lt. Sobeng Tayeng (former Minister) and Lt. Rinchin Norbu as President, Vice President and General Secretary respectively along with other bearers.
As such, in order to commemorate and rejoice the historic day of adopting the Union’s Constitution on 15th October 1967 that gave the union a federal structure thereby it an inclusive and Pan Arunachal Identity among the various students Community of the state.
To mark the 50th anniversary the AAPSU is celebrating “Golden Jubilee cum Inter Tribe Youth Festival -2017” from 15th to 19th October 2017 at Itanagar.
Is #AAPSU really 5O yrs old...???
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Present AAPSU got it all WRONG. NEFA student Union became defunct for five years as there was a serious dispute between General Secretary late Rinching Norbu Khirmey (he was studying MBBS in Dibrugarh) and Chairman Nydok Yongom (McoM from GHT Uni) Ex RS MP. After JNC student's Union, Pasighat HSS & Public leaders of Pasighat I was elected as Chairman of NEFA student Union & Sri S Ngemu as the General Secretary to conduct all Arunachal Pradesh meeting at Pasighat and to elect student body after general body approving the formation of AAPSU with a new constitution 1971. The first elected President of AAPSU was gold medalist late Talom Gao. Sadly the present AAPSU got all their FACTS WRONG. AAPSU is yet to complete 50 years. The existence of AAPSU is only 46 years. I guess the present team of AAPSU must have scored very poorly in their MATHS. Or is there some hidden agenda??? Hard to say these days when student bodies spend corers to get elected as AAPSU leaders. I was offered on a platter to be AAPSU President but I declined as I was shifting my education from Pasighat JNC to Shillong & Delhi. I explained my happiness in conducting the first AAPSU meeting reviving the NEFA Student Union which was defunct. People who helped from the public of Pasighat was late Taagoli Jamoh, late Kotik Moyong, late Bakin Partin, late Sotum Tasung, late Kabang Borang, late O Moyang Deori, late T Kadu, late O Moyong, late Bandhari Moyong, Sri Tapum Jamoh Ex MLA & many local leaders who were Democrats. All the rice, vegetables and meats were contributed by the public of Pasighat. The Bazar Committee donated NEFA student Union 30,000/- financial donation for conducting the meeting. Most of you might be wondering why I did not raise this issue. I kept SILENT because by the time I came back from World Armature Golf Tournament; these uninformed AAPSU leaders were in full swing wanting to take some credit for themselves; which of course is not due to them. As a senior citizen, I felt it would not be nice to sour their desire to be in the limelight. Historically the present AAPSU team are in serious flaw. It not 50 years of AAPSU history. It is just 46 years 1971 to 2017. NEFA students Union and AAPSU were two different unions.
- Sir James L Wanglat
Ex-minister
Historical Development of All Arunachal Pradesh Student Union (AAPSU)
The Student Union in the NEFA (Present Arunachal Pradesh) first started during the last part of 40's i.e., 1947 at Pasighat, East Siang District of Arunachal Pradesh by a few Adi and Mishing (Tribes of Arunachal Pradesh) students called the 'Adi-Mishing' Student Union (AMSU) with its headquarters at Pasighat. The students who formed this union were mostly the students of Sadiya Government High English School. Dr. Daying Ering was its founding father (President) and Sri. Martin Dai, was the General Secretary and Sri Oshong Ering was its treasure. Other founding members were Talom Rukbo, Obang Dai, Tajum Koyo, Sushen Pao, Toi Dai, Yonggam Legu and others.
The constant meetings of the Adi-Missing student union infact created awareness of social change and importance of education in the minds of the new schools organized the same and similar activities in their respective areas with establishment of branch student unions to intensify the student movement. Thus the Galong-Adi part and the Eastern Adi branch student union for eastern part of the Adi inhabited area were formed in quick succession. After the creation of these branch students union, the name of the union was changed to All North Eastern Frontier Agency Students Union (ANEFASU) with headquarter at Pasighat, East Siangdistrict.
After the creation of the Union Territory in 1972 and its naming as Arunachal Pradesh, the NEFA student's union was also renamed as the Arunachal Pradesh Student Union (AAPSU) with the elevation of the status of the area, the responsibility and burden of the AAPSU become heavier. For AAPSU have been the strongest, oldest and the apex body having linkage with students of almost every educational institutions of the state and with students studying outside the state.
AAPSU Movement: (1979 TO 1985)
The year 1979 was a turning point in the history of the student movement in Arunachal Pradesh as this year showed a drastic departure from the earlier policy on strategy tactics style of functioning and policy towards the government. So long AAPSU mainly remained as an elite club with a further limitation of small number of students in the state as a whole in its back. Its main mode of activities was to pray petition and partnership with the government to draw attention to some of the problems of the student community in particular and the people of the state in general. In the meantime, with the creation of the Union Territory and its corollary side effects the demand of the APPSU become more specific and broad based. Some of the important ones were as follows: -
1) Solution of Assam Arunachal boundary problem.
2) Detection and deportation of foreign nationals from the state.
3) Withdrawals of land allotment permit and trade license from the Non-Arunachalees.
4) Effective checks against further infiltration of foreign nationals.
For the first time a two-day, Arunachal Bandh (Strike) call was given by the AAPSU in support of their demands listed in the early 1980. The Arunachal Pradesh government, took notice to the situation and in a radio broadcast on 23rdApril 1980 from the Dibrugarh (Assam) station of the All India Radio (AIR) the Chief Minister Shri, Gagong Apang tried to persuade the student to desist from agitation path explaining his government's stand view points on the demands of the AAPSU. Nevertheless, the AAPSU was not satisfied with the governments stand and become increasingly agitation in the subsequent years.
The memorandum, besides covering the old demands included certain new ones such as 80% job reservation to the Arunachalees, stoppage of allotment of contract to Non-Arunachalees, etc. In support of these demands, the AAPSU organized a series of district level Bandh from 17-7-82 to 27-7-82.
In the mean time, the Assam agitation started by the All Assam Student Union (ASSU) in the state against the Foreign Nationals had taken a shape of a widespread mass movement. This student movement in Assam inspired the AAPSU greatly and it had given support to the Assam agitation by launching its movement in 1982 demanding the deportation of the Bangladeshi from the state besides pressing the Arunachal government for accepting its demands also. The more or less identical problems faced by the two student-organizations of the two states on immigrants and Foreign National's issues had thus established a concord between the AAPSU and ASSU.
Here it would be appreciable to analyse the roots of the Assam-Arunachal boundary problem and the refugee problem of Arunachal Pradesh, which have become the main course of the AAPSU agitation. So, far the boundary problem of Assamand Arunachal is concerned; it arises because of the very fact that the state of Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Nagaland and Mizoram were the part of the composite Assam states. The boundary was not properly defined and demarcated leading to claims and counter claim on the issue on which have persisted until today. The problem form the Arunachal can be best-understood form resolutions of the AAPSU signed by its President Shri. Nabam Riba, and General Secretary Shri. Taban Taki adopted in the meeting held in Pasighat (East Siang District) on 26 August 1985, which was attended by representatives of tribes from different districts and political leaders of various Political Parties and was presided over by Vice-President of AAPSU Shri Dawa Tsering Thongdok. On Refugee problem, the meeting took the following resolution. Some of the most important resolutions are as stated below:
Refugee Problem No. ‘A’
The meeting resolves that the refugees like Chakmas, Hajongs, Tibetans, Yobins settled permanently in Arunachal Pradesh should be withdrawn immediately from Arunachal Pradesh. It is a sensitive area and as such which restricts entrance of even Indian citizens to Arunachal Pradesh without valid inner-line permit in accordance with the ‘Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation Act’ (BEFRA). The meeting feels that the settlement of refugees of Arunachal Pradesh for a prolonged period may be risky to security and hamper the integration of the territory in due course. Further, in certain areas the concentration of refugees and the speedy growth of their population have threatened to change the demographic picture of the area. The Government was seized with the problem and the present Chief Minister said in his broadcast to the people of Arunachal Pradesh on 23rd April, 1980, that the Government of Arunachal Pradesh has taken up dispersal of these refugees with Central Government. The meeting now resolves to urge the government for immediate disperse of Tibetan and Chakma-Hajong refugees from Arunachal Pradesh, before they can destroy the demographic harmony of the territory.
Influx of Outsiders No. ‘B’
The meeting further resolves that the government of Arunachal Pradesh should take necessary steps to strengthen the ‘Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation Act, 1873’ while issuing ‘Inner-Line Permit’ enrolment in ‘Voter List’, Land Allotment and Trading License, etc. In view of the recent agreement between Assam Agitation Leaders (AAL) and the Central Government, it is feared that there will be an Influx Displaced Persons (IDP) from Assam into Arunachal Pradesh. The meeting urges the government to take effective measures to prevent any such entrance and to take almost care in issuing any inner-line permit to the people of doubtful origin.
The meetings observe that while the Chief Minister assured in his broadcast on 23rd April, 1980 that no land allotment has been made to Non-Arunachalees on permanent basis, there are cases of permanent land allotment, trading license and other facilities granted to Non-Arunachalees in violation of the Inner-Line Act. The government is therefore, urge to check and withdraw such facilities extended to Non-Arunachalees at an early date.
It would be appropriate now to take stock of the refugee problem in Arunachal Pradesh that has created apprehension and anger in the minds of the students, people and the Government of the State. Following eruption of ethnic riots in 1961 in Chittagong Hill Tract (CHT) of else while East Pakistan(now Bangladesh) thousands of tribal people, rendered homeless, fled away to India. In 1964, again the religious persecution of the Chakmas and Hajongs of the tract in East Pakistan compelled them to leave their country to join the earlier harder of their refugee brethren in Tripura. As the Pakistan Government showed into signs of taking their people back and as the Tripura government had to take a tough stand because of the heavy burden of refugees there, the refugees moved further east. Mahavir Tyagi the then Union Relief and Rehabilitation Minister (URRM) tried to settle them in Bihar by offering cash doles. But majority of the Chakmas refused to move to Bihar and settled on the plea that the climate of that state would not suit them.
At that critical juncture, the government of India contemplates a plan of settling these refugees in the NEFA. Thereafter, the history of settlement of Chakma and Hajong refugees in NEFA began. Even those refugees who went to Bihar for settlement at Gaya district with cash doles from Government of India came back to join their brothers in NEFA in 1968. Thus the flow of refugees continued from 1965-66 to 1968 and they settled in three districts Tirap, Lohit and Changlang.
So far the migration of the Tibetan people to India concerned, that started in 1959 when the Tibatan Religio-Political leader Dalai Lama. With his followers, entered India via Kamang district of Arunachal Pradesh and took Political Asylum in India. The Indo-Chinese war of 1962 added a further dose to stoke of refugees in NEFA. It was decided to allow settlement of a limited number of Tibetan refugees distributed over the district of NEFA. Though the Tibetans were settled in Changlang and Lohit, their main concentration remained confined to Kameng and Tawang district of Arunachal Pradesh.
The Chakmas, Hajongs and the Tibetans were allowed to settle in NEFA when it was under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) up to 1965 and then directly under the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) until 1972. Thus while the seeds of a critical problem were sown in the area, NEFA did not have any representative lies the root of the entire problem, as neither the people nor their representatives were consulted in settling these refugees in the area.
AAPSU Movement: (1985-1990)
The Assam Accord of 15 August 1985 seemed to have encouraged the AAPSU in its further agitational part. The new twin office bearers Sri Nabam Rebia and Sri Tabin Taki, President and General Secretary of the AAPSU respectively, turned out to be more hard-liners than their predecessors. After convening a public meeting at Pasighat on 26th August '1985 they prepared and submitted a six point memorandum to the government where in besides the government demands, a new demand urging to check possible infiltration of foreigners to Arunachal Pradesh from Assam as a result of fallout of the Assam Accord, was included. This time the demand for job reservation was increased from 80% to 100%. However, government refused to accept these demands. In response to this AAPSU called bandhs on 15 January 1986, which passed peacefully with some stray minor incidents in its subsequent agitational programme. Sri Kipa Kache a student of Nyapin Secondary School was killed in police firing on 3 February 1986. AAPSU reacted sharply by announcing late Kipa as the 'first Martyar' of Pasighat on 17-07-86 and decided to erect memorial for Kipa Kashe in every educational institutions.
The AAPSU decided to further intensify the agitation and chalked out a yearlong Programme for it by deciding to have a poster campaign on 25 October which was to be followed by a statewide hunger-strike on 5th November 1986and a march to legislative assembly on a subsequent date. Besides, they also decided to submit an ultimatum to the government to concede to their demands by September 1986. The introduction of Arunachal statehood Bill in the parliament in 1986 added a new dimension to the student's movement in Arunachal Pradesh. Since the Chinese aggression in 1962 the question of statehood to the union territory was gaining ground in the minds of the Arunachalees. During a visit of the parliamentary delegation to the then NEFA in 1963, the people of Arunachal Pradesh ventilated their desire in discussion.
Arunachal Pradesh revived its demand for statehood after a gap of 10 years. The decision of the central government to the grant statehood of Mizoram as per terms of the Mizo Accord inspired the people of Arunachal Pradesh to intensify the demands, when cabinet to Delhi to discuss the possibility of granting statehood to Arunachal Pradesh on July 24, 1986.
Meanwhile in September 1986, the government issued a clarification and explained its position. But the AAPSU convinced a joint meeting of students and publics at Pasighat on 20-12-86 to oppose the statehood proposal. It however, adopted a number of resolutions seeking certain modification in the statehood Bill. It was believed that the opposition of the AAPSU to the statehood proposal was mainly engineered by the state's then opposition party i.e. the Peoples Party of Arunachal Pradesh (PPAP) interestingly, once the statehood was granted to Arunachal Pradesh in February 1987, the AAPSU did not pursue its stand of opposing by demanding a few amendments to the statehood till date. Thus it appears that the vehement opposition was largely uncalled for and without proper and calculated discourse and thought on the matter.
With the changing of office bearers in 1988 and the then ensuring Assembly election, the AAPSU, it appears toned down its activities to a great extent but it continued pursuing its demands submitted in earlier memorandums to the state and Central Government's. Its President Sri Tok Bom Borang and General Secretary Sri.Liki Ete met the Home Minister in December, 1989 to pressurize for its demands. It also organized a dharna before the state Legislative Assembly in February 1990 to pressurize the state government. But till 1992 no agitation programme has been adopted by the AAPSU, although its demands, some of which were as old as student movement, in the area still remain unsolved.
Movement: (1990 onward)
Till the end of 1993 no serious agitational Programme had been adopted by the AAPSU, though its major demands like Assam-Arunachal boundary dispute and the refugee problem unsolved. But from the earlier part of 1994 the AAPSU has again come to the limelight for its serious agitational programme against the refugee problem faced by the state.
At the initiative of the Congress-I and government of both the state, a series of meetings have been conducted between the Chief Ministers, Chief Secretaries and Commissioners, in which many misunderstanding and irritants have been removed by creating a congenial atmosphere for dialogues. A tripartite committee has also been constituted to go into the details of the problem to find out a lasting solution. In the last meeting of the chief minister of the two states, it was resolved to constitute a Boundary Committee of equal ratio of representative form both the sides by involving the local elected representatives, Deputy Commissioners and Superintendent of Police wherever, it was found to be necessary. The election manifesto of the Congress-I for the election of the Legislative Assembly of Arunachal Pradesh in March 1995, has promised to leave no stone unturned to come to the expectation of the people on the problem and convince both the central and the Assam Governments, the importance and urgency for coming to the negotiating table to find an acceptable and permanent solution to this thorny but burning problem.
As a result of the above, the AAPSU could now concentrate on the life and death problem of the Chakmas and Hajongs in the state. On May 1994 the AAPSU organized a huge 'Delhi Chalo March' where a delegation of about 400 students went to Delhi, organized rallies and stayed there for about a month to attract the attention of the Central leaders to the problem. Inspite, of their month long effort to meet the Prime Minister, to drive home these refugees and inform about the problems in Arunachal Pradesh, it has been reported that Prime Minister refuse to meet the delegates. It has been alleged that the Prime Minister, on the other hand meet the Chakma students delegation. In the mean time AAPSU joined in the wider Regional Student Organization (RSO) of all the seven states of the Northeast India known as North Eastern Student Organization (NESO). Besides demanding central attention and action on rapid economic development of the North Eastern Region (NER) the main demand of this Regional Students Organization is to detect and deport the illegal Foreign National's from the North- East that has paused a serious threat to the demographic case of the other four states i.e. Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur and Tripura. The problem is more critical as it requires detection and deportation in states like Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Nagaland, where Inner-line Permit System (ILP) prevails, deportation is the major action required for the purpos.
AAPSU therefore joined in eleven hour 'North East Bandh Call' given by the NESO on 15th August'1994 demanding detection and deportation of the Foreign Nationals and expressing resettlement on Center's indecisiveness and step-motherly attitude to the North East. Inspite of having sympathy for the cause of the students, the Arunachal Pradesh Government because of the suspiciousness of the day i.e. 15th August had to arrest about 150 students including the AAPSU General Secretary Sri Domin Loya. It also led to the closure of two schools in West Siang District.
In the mean time the commencement of the process of election to State Assembly in February 1995 brought a low profile to the AAPSU agitation. It was also due the postponement of any decision on the citizenship issue by the Central Government. On 26th February 1996 Arunachal Student Union of Delhi (ASUD) started a protest rally at Jantar Mantar to express the solidarity of the people's of Arunachal Pradesh, also distributed pamphlets for support against the Foreign Nationals who settled in Arunachal Pradesh.
Question of Chakma Hajong in Arunachal Pradesh:
The current question of the Chakma and Hajong refugees in Arunachal Pradesh is rooted in the conflicts which emerged between the reactionary ruling blocs of India andPakistan and, subsequently, Bangladesh, which engendered the expulsion of the Chakma and Hajong peoples from their traditional homelands. AAPSU points that the Indian Government violated the legal provisions, which prohibit people from outside Arunachal Pradesh from even entering the state. Moreover, it rode roughshod over the wishes of the indigenous tribal peoples of the state who at no time were consulted in the matter of the settlement of the refugees.
The question of the deportation of the Chakmas and Hajongs, Buddhist refugees from the erstwhile East Pakistan, from the State has continued to occupy the centre-stage of Arunachal Pradesh politics for quite some time now. The "Refugee Go-Back" movement originally launched by the All-Arunachal Pradesh Students Union (AAPSU), which has consistently held the view that the refugees are 'foreigners' and Arunachal cannot be made the 'dumping ground', gained momentum in the wake of the 'People's Referendum Rally' held on September 20, 1995 at Naharlagun, Itanagar. It was at this rally that AAPSU and the leaders of all existing political parties in the State including the ruling Congress-I under Gegong Apang, the Chief Minister of the State since 1979 had set December 31 as the deadline for the Centre to evict the refugees from the State. Also the leaders of all existing political parties present at the rally had vowed to resign from the primary membership of their respective parties and form a 'Common Organization of Indigenous People' if their demand was not met by the Central Government before the expiry of the deadline.
What has, however, happened in the post-deadline phase of the movement was only expected. The Central Government did intervene at the last minute by announcing the formation of a 'high-level committee' to look into the matter. Acting on a petition filed by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), the Supreme Court in its recent verdict of January 9, 1996 has ruled out any forcible eviction of the refugees by directing the State Government to seek all possible help from the Central Government to protect the lives of the Chakma and Hajong refugees residing in the State. In opposition to the pronouncement of this verdict by the Supreme Court, a 15-member Core Committee comprising largely of members from the Apang Ministry and some other important leaders from the opposition parties has been set up to look into the question of deportation of the refugees from the State. Expressing its resentment over the verdict, AAPSU has further hardened its stance on the refugees issue by declaring that they are not bound by the verdict. Protesting against the verdict, AAPSU gave a 10-hour bandh call on Republic Day making its celebration only symbolic in nature[30].
The Buddhist Chakmas and Hindu Hajongs are the innocent victims of partition, originally belonged to the Chittagong Hill Tracts and Maimensingh districts respectively, a part of erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Pakistan's policy of persistent religious persecution of these Buddhist tribes and the displacement caused by the Kaptai Hydel Power Project forced them to migrate and take refuge in India in 1964. But what was it that made these refugees finally settle down in Arunachal Pradesh which has been enjoying a 'Special Protected Area' status since the Pre-Independence period under the provisions of the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation, 1873? According to this regulation, even Indian citizens of other states cannot stay in Arunachal Pradesh permanently. In other words, any Indian citizen from states other than Arunachal Pradesh, as per the rules of the regulation, cannot own any piece of land or develop any permanent stake in the State. Interestingly, following an order issued by the Governor-General in 1876 even the British subjects were prohibited from going beyond the Inner-Line without a pass under the hand and seal of an authorized Political Officer. It is, therefore, only natural for the Arunachalees to demand an explanation for the arrival and continuing presence of the refugees in the state despite all these protectionist measures adopted by the Government of India[31].
Initially, only about 57 families of Chakmas and Hajongs were given shelter in government camps at Ledo in Dibrugarh, Assam in 1964. Thereafter, they were settled in Abhaypur Block of Diyun circle of the erstwhile Tirap District of Arunachal Pradesh purely on temporary and humanitarian grounds by the then North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA) administration, which was directly under the control of the Central Government. The indigenous people of the state perceive a danger to their identity and culture being posed by an ever-increasing concentration of the Chakmas and Hajongs in the state. According to AAPSU, the population of the refugees has swollen to approximately 65,000 as against the 57 families originally settled in 1966 in Diyun[32]. It may not be fair to blame it on the indigenous people for their increasing assertiveness on the issue of eviction of the refugees from the state for they fear that rapid demographic changes in three district since 1951may soon see them being out numbered with all its concomitant social, economic, and political consequences. For example, according to the figures given in the 1991 census, the indigenous tribal population of the two districts of Lohit and Changlang where the Chakmas and Hajongs are residing, is only 74,000 out of the total population of 202,523 (which includes other Indian citizens also) in these two districts. The total population of the state according to the 1991 Census is 858,392.
The issue of granting citizenship to the refugees has also figured prominently in all debates and is being considered seriously by the Central Government. S.B. Chavan's repeated remarks in this respect have met with strong opposition from all quarters in the State. AAPSU has strongly condemned Chavan's insistence on granting citizenship to the refugees and believes that it is an attempt to woo the potential voters at the cost of annoying the indigenous people of the State. Could the grant of citizenship end the helplessness of the refugees? May be not as the real issue facing the leaders of the movement is not whether the refugees are granted citizenship or not but that they must be resettled outside the state. The State Government is quite determined that even if the settlers were to be granted citizenship they would have to leave the State[33].
Though the Chakmas and Hajongs have continued to stay on in the state they have suffered immensely for no fault of their as they themselves did not volunteer to come to Arunachal Pradesh but were instead brought here as a matter of policy decision. The withdrawal of basic amenities like employment opportunities, termination of trade license and confiscation of ration cards have made it quite difficult for the refugees to survive. Faced with frequent quit notices issued by AAPSU and the Center’s insincerity in finding out a long-term solution, the refugees find themselves in the midst of uncertainty.
Over the course of the past few years, the State Government of Arunachal Pradesh has denied the Chakmas and Hajongs access to the most basic infrastructure and opportunities. These conditions persist despite intervention on behalf of the communities by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Rajya Sabha (Upper house of Parliament) and clear judgements in their favour by the courts. Government inaction and inefficacy has left these communities vulnerable to threats and violence by organizations in the state such as the All Arunachal Pradesh Students Union (AAPSU).
On 9 January 1996, the Supreme Court of India, ruling in the case of National Human Rights Commission Vs State of Arunachal Pradesh and ,directed the government of Arunachal Pradesh to ensure protection of the life and personal liberty of Chakmas resident in the state, and to process their applications for citizenship in accordance with law. The Supreme Court’s judgement was followed by a positive decision by the Delhi High Court. In the case of People’s Unionfor Civil Liberties and Committee for Citizenship Rights of the Chakmas of Arunachal Pradesh Vs Election Commission of India and others, the Delhi High Court ruled in favour of registering Chakmas and Hajongs as voters in Arunachal Pradesh. However, these court directives have been ignored.
Some historical background is necessary to understand the devastating nature of the present situation. The Chakmas of Arunachal Pradesh belong to a tribal group that has for centuries inhabited the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT’s) ofBangladesh. Despite the fact that most of the inhabitants of the CHT’s are either Buddhist or Hindu, the region became a part ofPakistan with the partition of India in 1947. In 1964, communal violence and the construction of the Kaptai Hydroelectric Dam displaced nearly 100,000 Chakmas. A large number of these displaced people sought refuge in India.
Nearly 1,000 members of the Hajong tribes, a Hindu group from the Mymensingh district of Bangladesh, were also settled in these areas. In the more than 30 years since their resettlement, the Chakmas and Hajongs have built villages, developed the land granted to them and paid state taxes on their land. Additionally, they have become integrated into the social fabric of Arunachal Pradesh and established strong ties to the region. Many of these Chakmas and Hajongs, who now number about 65,000, were born in India and know no other home.
The Chakmas and Hajongs are legal residents of India. In 1964, the Government of India granted migration certificates into the country to approximately 35,000 Chakmas and 1,000 Hajongs. The migrants were settled by the Government of India in the erstwhile North East Frontier Agency, an area that comprises the present-day districts of Lohit, Changlang and Papumpare in Arunachal Pradesh. These certificates indicated legal entry into India and the willingness of the Government of India to accept the migrants as future citizens. Additionally, under the Indira-Mujib Agreement of 1972, it was determined that India and not Bangladesh would be responsible for all migrants who entered India before 25 March 1971[34].
Many Chakmas and Hajongs also have the right to citizenship and the right to vote. Under Section 3(1) (a) of the Indian Citizenship Act 1955, every person born in India on or after 26 January 1950 and before 1 July 1987(Constitutional Amendment on Citizenship) is a citizen of the country. There are about 35,000 Chakmas and Hajongs who were born inIndia after 1964. Under the Indian Citizenship Act, they are Indian citizens by birth and, consequently, eligible to vote. However, when the Chakmas and Hajongs who satisfy the Act’s requirements tried to register in the electoral rolls, the concerned State Government officials refused to accept their applications.
The Committee for Citizenship Rights of the Chakmas of Arunachal Pradesh (CCRCAP) approached the Ministry of Home Affairs to remedy the situation. The Ministry indicated that the Election Commission had been requested to include all legitimate Indian citizens in the electoral rolls. But the Election Commission took no action on this regard. The People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) and the CCRCAP filed a writ petition before the Delhi High Court in the related matters (CWP No. 886 of 2000). To date, not a single Chakma or Hajong has been included in the electoral rolls.
In response to the condition of the Chakmas and Hajongs, the NHRC filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court against the State of Arunachal Pradesh. The case arose in response to allegations of human rights abuses suffered by the Chakmas and Hajongs at the hands of the State Government of Arunachal Pradesh in collaboration with private entities like the AAPSU. In September and October of 1994 the CCRCAP made numerous appeals to the NHRC, alleging human rights abuses and imminent threats to the lives and property of the Chakmas and Hajongs in the region.
Upon inquiry, the NHRC determined that the Arunachal State Government was acting in concert with the AAPSU to issue “quit notices” with a view to intimidating the Chakmas and Hajongs and expelling them from the State. Because of the State Government's delayed statements and lack of action in response to the inquiries and directions of the NHRC, the matter was brought before the Supreme Court. Despite the Supreme Court’s clear ruling, the Chakmas and Hajongs still could not apply for citizenship within Arunachal Pradesh due to intimidation by the AAPSU, which has the support of the State Government. Consequently, on 18 February and 19 June 1997, the groups submitted citizenship applications directly to the Central Government. The Union Home Ministry forwarded these citizenship applications to the District Collectors for necessary verification.
On 4 May 1998, 27 Chakmas submitted citizenship applications to the Deputy Commissioner of Changlang District but he refused to accept them. Perforce, the Chakmas and Hajongs had to submit applications directly to the Union Home Ministry once again. More than two years later, the Chakmas and Hajongs have yet to be granted citizenship. Over four years after the Supreme Court judgement, the PUCL and CCRCAP challenged the government in court once again over its continued inaction. They filed a writ petition in the Delhi High Court against the Election Commission of India, the State Election Commission of Arunachal Pradesh, and the Union of India.
During the course of the case, the Central Government stated: “The Central Government is of the view that persons settled in Arunachal Pradesh after their migration in 1964 but before the 1986 Amendment to the Act should be citizens ofIndia”. The Delhi High Court directed the Election Commission of India and the State Election Commission to process Chakma and Hajong applications for inclusion in the electoral rolls. The directive is yet to be implemented.
The Central Government has also often asserted that the Chakmas and Hajongs have a legitimate claim to Indian citizenship. As a member of the opposition, the former Minister for Home Affairs, L K Advani was exceptionally critical of the government ineffectiveness in granting citizenship and related rights and privileges to the Chakmas and Hajongs. He raised the issue in Parliament on several occasions. During his own tenure as Minister of Home Affairs, however, he has failed to make the Arunachal Pradesh government comply with constitutionally binding judicial orders and directives from the Ministry of Home Affairs.
The Government of Arunachal Pradesh has systematically denied the Chakmas and Hajongs access to social, economic and political rights to which they are entitled under Indian and international law. It has conducted a three-pronged strategy of discrimination against them – denying them political rights, economic opportunity and access to basic social infrastructure. Additionally, the State Government has not checked the intimidation and threats issued by the AAPSU. In fact, on occasion it has openly supported AAPSU activities. The Chakmas have been suffering forcible eviction at the hands of the State Government and AAPSU for decades – one particular village in the district of Changlang, Vijoypur, was reportedly destroyed on three occasions, in 1989, 1994 and 1995.
In 1980, the State Government banned the employment of Chakmas and Hajongs. It has stopped issuing trade licenses to members of either community. Furthermore, all trade licenses issued to the Chakmas in the late 1960s were seized in 1994. Their employment options are thus effectively sealed off, and the Chakmas and Hajongs are locked into a vicious cycle of poverty. The situation has been exacerbated by AAPSU-organised economic blockades of the Chakma and Hajong Refugee Camps.
The State Government has steadily dismantled basic social infrastructure in Chakma and Hajong settlements, rendering these people ever more vulnerable. All persons legally resident in India are entitled to ration cards if their income falls below a specified amount. In October 1991, the State Government discontinued issuance of ration cards to Chakmas and Hajongs, many of whom live in extreme poverty. In September 1994 the State Government began a campaign of school closing, burning and relocations that have effectively denied the Chakmas and Hajongs their right to education. Schools built by the Chakmas using local community resources were closed down or destroyed. Also, health facilities in Chakma and Hajong areas are all but nonexistent.
The Chakmas and Hajongs of Arunachal Pradesh have a verdict in their favour from the Apex Court and the Delhi High Court, the support of the Rajya Sabha and, ostensibly, bureaucratic compliance from the Central Government. The Arunachal Pradesh Government, the Election Commission of India and the State Election Commission of Arunachal Pradesh must now implement the directives of the Supreme Court and the Delhi High Court to ensure that the Chakmas and Hajongs receive their full rights of citizenship. In India, students were initiators and agents in independence movements. Political and Student Movements are interlinked and have advanced more or less simultaneously, the latter always being under the direction of the former. Before independence, political activities of students were focused on issue of independence and all grievances were given political tone. From the beginning student movement in one way or the other have aligned themselves with one party or the other parties have been utilizing their voice and strength for political goal.
Student unrest is a major ailment, which is posing a serious threat to the functioning and to the healthy growth of the democratic institutions. It has been mixed with many political issues and has aggravated the law and order situation in a particular area. No doubt the student organization or student unity was one of the strongest pressure group who worked for social transformation, but now this pressure used for only political gain by support on some political ideology and political parties, which is not justified in any way. The role played by the AAPSU relating to the matter of the Chakma and Hajong Refugees problem in Arunachal Pradesh is directly or indirectly motivated by political factors. Political parties using these Student Unions only for their ‘Vote Bank’ and political support, i.e. the reason the problem of Chakma and Hajong refugee not settled down even after forty-two years.
The table, given below, shows the status of Chakmas and Hajongs of the various Northeastern and Eastern Statesof India. Chakmas and Hajongs migrated at the time of partition and granted not only the Citizenship Rights but also the Scheduled Tribes status in India (Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Tripura, West Bengal) but having a largest population (Third largest ethnic group in Arunachal Pradesh according to 2001 census) they got the status of ‘Refugee’ and still after 42 years fighting for their basic fundamental rights to survive in Arunachal Pradesh.
Present Status of Chakmas-Hajongs in the
Northeastern and Eastern states of India (2001 Census Report)
S. No.
|
States
|
Chakmas
|
Hajongs
|
Status
|
1.
|
Arunachal Pradesh
|
Refugee
|
Refugee
|
Refugee
|
2.
|
Assam
|
Citizenship
|
Citizenship
|
ST
|
3.
|
Mizoram
|
Citizenship
|
Citizenship
|
ST
|
4.
|
Meghalaya
|
Citizenship
|
Citizenship
|
ST
|
5.
|
Tripura
|
Citizenship
|
NA
|
ST
|
6.
|
West Bengal
|
Citizenship
|
Citizenship
|
ST
|
Ruling Congress in Arunachal Pradesh suggested that the United Progressive Alliances (UPA) Government in the Center should announce an Rs.200 Crore package for the settlement and rehabilitation of Chakmas and Hajongs out side the state. AAPSU, the Refugees, the State and the Central Government should start dialogue on the resettlement of the thousands of the Chakmas and Hajongs who are staying in the state since 1964 and Centre should offer a financial package for the purpose, Arunachal Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC) working president Takam Sanjay told a press conference here;
“We feel if the Central Government becomes a little more serious about the issue, a solution would emerge”[35].
But the solution which UPA Government suggested is baseless and illogical because on one side they are not solving the problem rather on another side creating new problems by settling these refugees in other areas which is not suitable to them. The ad-hoc policy of any government is not going to solve the Chakma and Hajong problem in Arunachal Pradesh as such.
In 2002, the State Government of Arunachal Pradesh granted citizenship to the ninety Tibetan families of Shyo village living in Tawang district bordering China. The Tibetans had fled to Arunachal Pradesh in 1960s. The State government cites the East Bengal Regulation Act of 1873 for forcible deportation of the Chakmas and Hajongs. The 1873 Act requires taking of prior permission (Inner Line Permit) before entering into Arunachal Pradesh. However, the Chakmas and Hajongs who fled from then East Bengal (nowBangladesh) did not go to Arunachal Pradesh on their own. They were taken to North East Frontier Agency (NEFA, present Arunachal Pradesh) by the Central Government with a view to permanently settle there[36].
The question is if the Tibetans who fled to Arunachal Pradesh on their own can be given India Citizenship, why cannot the Chakmas and Hajongs, who had migrated from undivided India. The Central Government had settled the Chakmas and Hajongs in the State and they have same right to get all the facilities without any type of discrimination based on social, economical, political and legal. With the very point, it is a clear case of discrimination for political gains of a few AAPSU and Core Committee leaders in Arunachal Pradesh.
Undoubtedly, the Chakmas and Hajongs deserve the same rights as the Tibetans. In addition, the Supreme Court has recognized the citizenship rights to the Chakmas and Hajongs who had migrated over a period. The state Government of Arunachal Pradesh and Central Government in the affidavit to the Delhi High Court have recognized the Chakmas and Hajongs are indigenous like the rest of the people of Arunachal Pradesh. They share more commonalities with their immediate neighbors including belief in Buddhism, than any other communities elsewhere in the state. The very basic logic is that one cannot use different law for the same kind of migrants. The Constitutional Law on Citizenship, Rights to life etc are equal to all and one cannot wear two different glasses to solve the problem.
Finally, we can conclude by saying that a democratic solution to the problem has to be sought out which satisfied the people of Arunachal Pradesh as well as which also, at the same time, takes into full consideration, the humanitarian and legal requirements of the innocent Buddhist Chakmas and Hajongs of Arunachal Pradesh.
[Article credit from:STUDENT MOVEMENT IN ARUNACHAL PRADESH: A CASE OF CHAKMA-HAJONG REFUGEE PROBLEM
*****
(Special Article in Economic and Political Weekly,
Vol. XLII, No.15, Pp. 1373 to 1379, April 14-20, 2007),
Chunnuprasad blogs: http://chunnuarticlejnu.blogspot.in/?m=0]
